Saturday, February 28, 2015

A UN Vehicle Torched

Haiti - Social : An UN vehicle torched...
(Haiti Libre) - 28/02/2015 13:15:41

Haiti - Social : An UN vehicle torched...
Friday, hundreds of students belonging to a group of different faculties of the State University took the streets of the Capital, demanding the release of Chedler Guilloux, a student of the Ecole Normale Supérieure, suspected of having participated in the burning of a bus of the Superior Court of Auditors and Administrative Disputes (CSC/CA)

During this demonstration, where students had erected barricades of burning tires, unidentified individuals, taking advantage of the mess, smashed the windscreen of a UN pickup truck, not far from the Hospital of the State University, before according to witnesses, overthrow it and burn it down. The fire was quickly controlled, thanks to the intervention of police officers and firefighters.

Furthermore, at the Faculty of Law the tension was high Friday, police and students clashed with stones and tear gas, between tire barricades. Students always required a reduction of 100 gourdes on fuel prices...

An Apparent Contradiction? Popular Perceptions Of Haiti And The Foreign Policy Of The Domincan Republic


Dr. Ernesto Sagas
Department of Latin American and Puerto Rican Studies
Lehman College, The City University of New York
Paper to be presented at the Sixth Annual Conference of the Haitian Studies Association, Boston, MA
October 14-15, 1994


The foreign policy of the Dominican Republic revolves around two axis. The first one is, as for most countries in the region, obviously, Washington, D.C. The second one is Port-au-Prince. The latter has less to do with trade interests than with security concerns. Haiti and the Dominican Republic are two nations trapped by historical circumstances in a small Caribbean island. A rare case, indeed, that causes events on one part of the island to have an eventual impact on the other side. There is no escape from this reality, and that is why relations with Haiti have always been more a matter of security than of anything else.

The foreign policy of the Dominican government towards Haiti is in apparent contradiction to its domestic policies toward Haitian citizens living in the Dominican Republic. While Haitian migrants in the Dominican Republic are the subject of discrimination, frequent violations of their human rights, and deportation, foreign relations with Haiti are non-confrontational and sometimes even cordial. Also, while Haiti is popularly perceived in the Dominican Republic as a chaotic, unstable and undemocratic country, the Dominican government has been indifferent to and not supportive of democratic change in Haiti. This paper will focus on the long history and current developments of the Haitian-Dominican relationship, mainly the tense relations between presidents Jean-Bertrand Aristide and Joaquin Balaguer and the problems regarding the compliance of the Dominican government with the international embargo against Haiti. I will also argue that the foreign policy of the Dominican Republic towards Haiti is guided by two axioms. First, Haiti is perceived as a country unfit for democracy, given the human, political, and economic obstacles it would have to face. Second, and as a consequence of the first, the Dominican government perceives democratic developments in Haiti as threatening to the national interest. Therefore, it has sought to preserve an authoritarian status quo in Haiti.


In traditional Dominican historiography, the history of Haiti began when the first buccaneers set foot on northwestern Hispaniola (Pesa Batlle 1946). From there on, the history of the island has been perceived as a long struggle, in which the West tries to take over the East. The French colonists encroached on the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo, and later, Haiti tried to absorb the Dominican Republic. This traditional view of Haitian-Dominican relations was promoted by the 31-year-long dictatorship of Rafael L. Trujillo. It stressed the differences between Haitians and Dominicans, rather than their points in common. A whole generation of Dominican leaders, as well as common folk, was raised under this ideology. As a result, even today most Dominicans share these distorted historical myths.

Actually, there is very little to celebrate in the history of Haitian-Dominican relations. Until the official recognition of the French colony of Saint-Domingue in 1777, by the Treaty of Aranjuez, the French and the Spanish lived on the brink of war. The French constantly pushed their unofficial borders in their need for land, while the Spanish carried on punitive raids in a futile effort to eradicate the French presence in Hispaniola. Moreover, Hispaniola became a mirror of European politics; when France and Spain were at war in Europe, their colonists also fought in Hispaniola. In 1795, the French obtained the Eastern part, only to lose the whole island years later.

The Haitian Revolution, as liberating as it was, caused deep concern on the eastern side, where they feared that violence would engulf the whole island. In 1822, after Haiti settled its internal problems, Jean-Pierre Boyer annexed the former Spanish colony of Santo Domingo. Boyer's move was not opposed by the pro-Hispanic elites, who had no match for his army, nor by the masses, who perceived Boyer's rule as very egalitarian. As a matter of fact, Boyer abolished slavery and gave lands to the lower classes. Discontent on a large scale really started when the economic conditions in Haiti deteriorated as a result of the burdensome indemnity owed to France and of the land tenure system that developed into an unprofitable minifundia (Moya Pons 1977). On 27 February 1844, a group of Dominican conspirators took advantage of the unstable internal situation in Haiti and declared the independence of the Dominican Republic. The declaration of Dominican independence was a rather peaceful event; its consolidation was not. Haitian leaders considered the East not only as a part of Haiti, but also as vital for the security and economic welfare of the Haitian state. Between 1844-1856, different Haitian leaders tried unsuccessfully to reannex the East. These protracted wars fostered an anti-Haitian sentiment among the Dominican population, a feeling that was nurtured by the dominant elites in order to reinforce nationalism. Furthermore, the Haitian-Dominican wars drove Dominican leaders to seek the protection of foreign powers. Their main concern was that the Dominican Republic had a smaller population than Haiti, plus they also thought that the Dominican Republic was not viable as an independent nation.

In 1861, Haitian-Dominican relations entered into a new dimension when Pedro Santana reannexed the Dominican Republic to Spain. The Dominican Republic is the only Latin American nation that reverted to its former colonial status after independence, due to the reasons mentioned above. This turn of events deeply worried Haitian leaders. The restoration of Spanish power in Hispaniola could eventually have meant a return to slavery in the East. Furthermore, Spain had suggested that it would try to recover its former territories in Haiti's Plateau Central, lost during the Haitian Revolution. The Haitian authorities gave refuge and logistic support to Dominican revolutionaries fighting against the Spanish, until Dominican independence was finally restored in 1865. Haitian leaders had concluded, first, that Haiti and the Dominican Republic constituted two different nations, and second, that an independent Dominican Republic was preferable to having a European power in Hispaniola.

Now that peaceful coexistence seemed feasible, one problem remained, however: the demarcation of a fixed border between the two countries. The end of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th were unsuccessfully spent in this pursuit. The political instability in both countries made diplomatic negotiations difficult, plus there were conflicting claims that had to be solved. The American military occupation of Haiti (1915-1934) and the Dominican Republic (1916-1924) precluded for a time new diplomatic initiatives. However, US military strategists realized that an undefined border was a potential war issue that could contribute to political instability in the strategic Caribbean region. As a result, on 21 January 1929, a border settlement was signed between the governments of Horacio V squez and Louis Borno (Price-Mars 1953, 3:209-213). In 1935 and 1936, Presidents Rafael L. Trujillo and Stenio Vincent signed additional clauses and amendments to the 1929 treaty, finally establishing a permanent and clearly delimited border, the same that still stands today.

At that point, Haitian-Dominican relations enjoyed their best moment ever. Trujillo even visited Port-au-Prince and was warmly received by the people. The Dominican press showered president Vincent and the Haitian nation with praise. It seemed as if the struggles of the 19th century were a thing of the past; gone and forgotten. Trujillo, however, felt differently. With the definition of a clear border between the two nations, Trujillo sought to increase his control over the Dominican Republic. The border did not represent for him the limit to his authority, but rather the beginning of his domain. As a result, Trujillo made of the issue of a fixed border one of his top foreign policy priorities. The aftermath of the border treaty, however, infuriated Trujillo. He had mistakenly thought that a fixed border would have meant a sealed border. That was not the case. The border treaty was a diplomatic agreement; for the peoples living on both sides of the newly-established border, little had changed. For decades after the end of the Haitian-Dominican wars, the border region had been a place where the authority of the state had been very weak. This led to the development of a mixed population of arrayanos, Haitian-Dominicans who spoke Spanish and Creole, engaged in trade and contraband across the border, and did not owe allegiance to any state in particular (Baud 1993a, 1993b). An inspection trip along the border directed by Trujillo himself confirmed the weakness of the Dominican state in the sparsely-populated border region (Cornielle 1980).

Trujillo's response was swift and brutal. In October, 1937, he ordered the military to kill all Haitians in the Dominican Republic. Thousands of Haitians were killed in a few days using machetes and clubs, so as to give the impression that it was the uncoordinated action of Dominican farmers who had decided to settle old scores. Estimates on the number of dead have ranged from several hundred to 26,000, and Haitians were killed as far away as Santiago and Saman (Vega 1988, 386-387). Only those working in American-owned sugar plantations were spared. The reasons behind Trujillo's decision to carry out the 1937 massacre were never clear (Vega 1988, chap. 10).

After the 1937 massacre, Trujillo initiated a well-publicized program of "Dominicanization" of the border region. Development programs were implemented and white immigrants were encouraged to settle in the region. Trujillo's aim was to create a socio-cultural barrier against Haitian influences to reinforce the military action of 1937. As part of this plan, the Dominican population was subjected to a constant barrage of anti-Haitian propaganda. Haiti and Haitians went from being good neighbors to becoming the scapegoats of Dominican society. By stimulating a false nationalism, Trujillo sought to distract the public opinion by focusing on a foreign enemy. No target was more convenient than Haiti, given the long history of animosity between the two countries. This loose propaganda eventually became a full-fledged ideology that is known today as antihaitianismo. Two of its most prolific writers were Manuel Arturo Pe$a Batlle and Joaquin Balaguer (Sag s 1993). A whole generation of Dominicans was raised under the tenets of antihaitianismo, while the official line was promoted by the state apparatus around the country. Furthermore, antihaitianismo--with its twisted sense of history--allowed even the poorest of Dominicans to feel racially and culturally superior vis- -vis Haitians. The antihaitianismo ideology struck a familiar chord in the Dominican psyche and Trujillo and his ideologues were well aware of that.

In stark contradiction to his virulent anti-Haitian rhetoric, the Trujillo administration maintained cordial relations with most Haitian governments. The 1937 "incident" was settled through diplomatic channels and the Dominican Republic agreed to pay an indemnity of $750,000. In 1952, an agreement was signed by both countries to regulate the importation of Haitian workers for the Dominican sugar industry. These kind of agreements were renewed until 1986, when Jean-Claude Duvalier left Haiti. Needless to say, the traffic of Haitian workers became a highly-lucrative business for political and military groups on both sides of the island. Trujillo also intervened constantly in Haitian affairs. First, with the intention of preventing Dominican exiles from using Haiti as a base of operations, and later, in order to influence Haitian politics for his benefit. One good example was Elie Lescot. The career of Lescot was financially sponsored by Trujillo, who helped him rise to the presidency of Haiti Crassweller 1966). In a similar fashion, Trujillo used bribes and intimidation to influence other Haitian politicians. The consolidation of the dictatorship of Francois Duvalier implied a new modus vivendi, in which the two strongmen understood that it was mutually convenient to protect each other, rather than to fight against each other. They had a common goal--survival--and a common enemy, Fidel Castro's revolutionary Cuba.


The preceding historical review has shown how the Haitian-Dominican relationship has had its ups and downs. The period of the Haitian-Dominican wars in the 19th century led to suspicion and mutual distrust. These differences were set aside when later in the century Haiti helped the Dominican rebels in their struggle against Spain. Haitian-Dominican friendship reached its highest point of cordiality when a fixed border was finally established between the two nations. Finally, the 1937 massacre of Haitian migrants by Trujillo's troops signalled the beginning of a new period of popular animosity characterized by the development of the antihaitianismo ideology. So profound and lasting were the effects of Trujillo's propaganda, that even today Haitians are the main scapegoats of Dominican society. At the diplomatic level, however, relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic during the Trujillo Era were correct and even cordial. The balance of power had also been altered. While during the 19th century Haiti had been the most powerful nation in the island, by the Trujillo Era those roles had been reversed. The Dominican Republic became the interventionist country who meddled in his neighbor's affairs in order to protect its national interest, just like Haiti had done in the 19th century. This reversal of roles had two main causes: first, the growth of the Dominican population, and second, Trujillo's development of the Dominican army into an imposing fighting force.

The presidency of Juan Bosch in 1963 led to one of the most tense periods in contemporary Haitian-Dominican relations. Bosch, a liberal elected with broad popular support, saw in Duvalier a Trujillo-like tyrant. He even supported the efforts of Haitian exiles who trained to overthrow Duvalier. In April of 1963, a diplomatic incident at the Dominican chancellery in Port-au-Prince led to the mobilization of Dominican troops to the border. In August and September of the same year, Haitian exiles, under the command of former general Leon Cantave, attacked Haiti from bases in the Dominican Republic. On all occasions, the exiles were driven back into the Dominican Republic. These serious incidents provoked a major, yet short-lived crisis, because Juan Bosch was overthrown by the Dominican military shortly thereafter, on 25 September 1963. His handling of the Haitian crisis has been mentioned as one of the factors that inclined the Dominican military against him (Diederich and Burt 1986, 220-221).

The election of Joaquín Balaguer in 1966, and his twelve-year tenure in power ushered in a new era in Haitian-Dominican relations. As mentioned above, Balaguer had been one of the main ideologues of antihaitianismo, but he was also a pragmatic politician. As a result, the 1960s and 1970s were years of cordial relations encouraged by a leader who was well-known for his anti-Haitian personal views. During this period, a new generation of progressive Dominican scholars who questioned, criticized, and shattered the racist claims of antihaitianismo came of age. Mostly based on a Marxist conception of history, these intellectuals denounced antihaitianismo as being an ideological weapon of the Dominican dominant class (Cass 1975). However, the fact remained that antihaitianismo was still a dominant ideology and a large part of the Dominican population shared at least a loose concoction of these ideas.

Nineteen eighty-six was a transcendental year in the island of Hispaniola. The Duvaliers, in power since 1957, were finally forced to abandon Haiti. In the Dominican Republic, Balaguer was elected for a fourth constitutional term, after having been defeated in 1978 and 1982. Now, for the first time in decades, democracy seemed to flourish on both sides of the island. In 1986, Balaguer also confronted a entirely new Haiti. After the fall of the Duvaliers, Haiti had entered into a period of social and political instability as different groups competed for power in order to fill the vacuum left by the Duvalier's. Balaguer's diplomatic approach during that turbulent period was a cautious one, as he feared that events in Haiti could have had unexpected consequences for the Dominican Republic. Severe civil unrest in Haiti could have provoked a flood of Haitian refugees fleeing into the Dominican Republic, a nightmarish situation that the Dominican government was not prepared to handle. Balaguer thus maintained correct relations with the Haitian administration of turn, and even granted asylum in the Dominican Republic to Haitian leaders after they had been overthrown.


The election of Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1990 caused a public relations problem for the Balaguer administration. Aristide, inaugurated on 7 February 1991 (exactly five years after the fall of the Duvaliers), is an outspoken defender of the lower classes. A devout follower of liberation theology, Aristide and his Lavalas movement sought to profoundly transform Haitian society. Aristide also openly denounced in international forums (like the United Nations) the slave-like working conditions of Haitians migrants in the Dominican Republic. These accusations came right in the midst of a wave of reports from human-rights organizations (such as Americas Watch), US television news programs, and the International Labor Organization, in which the Dominican Republic was depicted as a human rights' violator. To make matters worse, the US Trade representative decided to review these allegations before certifying the Dominican Republic as eligible for the US Generalized System of Preferences (Ferguson 1992, 87-88). An unfavorable decision would have certainly meant economic disaster for the Dominican Republic, as the GSP guarantees preferential access to Dominican products into the US market. Not surprisingly, Aristide became a persona non grata for the Balaguer administration, as well as for most of the Dominican economic elites.

President Aristide became the target of vicious personal attacks, in an effort to destroy his credibility. Even opposition politicians rallied behind Balaguer in a wave of anti-Haitian nationalism and launched vicious attacks against Aristide. A good example were the comments of Jacobo Majluta, a wealthy businessman of Arab ancestry and presidential candidate: . . . Jean-Bertrand did not attack President Joaquin Balaguer, "he went to the international forums to harshly attack the Dominican Republic." . . . on the day of his inauguration "he took along a witch and walked the Bishop of that nation through the streets of Port-au-Prince in a shameful manner and committed anti-democratic acts." . . . he [Aristide] accused us [the Dominican Republic] in front of the OAS, ILO and the UN of all the evils of the world [Sarita 1993, 4]. Fabio Herrera Cabral, Balaguer's Subsecretary of Foreign Relations, warned that "Dominicans must be ready to counter any intrusion that he [Aristide] pretends in order to impose his ideas over the Dominican Republic" (Carvajal 1993, 16). Aristide's speech, denouncing a well-known situation that had been going on for years, was considered by influential Dominican public opinion makers as a provocation against the Dominican people.

Balaguer responded to Aristide's accusations with decree 233-91 in retaliation (see the appendix). The decree ordered the immediate deportation of all illegal Haitians under the age of 16 or over 60. Within three months, about 50,000 Haitians were deported (Ferguson 1992, 89). The Dominican military profited from this operation by confiscating the possessions of deported Haitians. The deportation decree was clearly aimed at further de-stabilizing the Aristide administration by sending home thousands of Haitians who were to join the ranks of the under-and unemployed. On 30 September 1991, president Aristide, who had been elected with 67% of the total vote, was overthrown by a military coup led by General Raoul C dras. His fate showed a remarkable resemblance to Bosch's ousting almost 30 years earlier. Both men were charismatic leaders, elected with the popular support of the lower classes. Both also stood for profound socio-economic changes and soon had to face the anger of the traditional elites. Both used external crises with their neighboring country in order to rally popular support at a moment when their administrations were being de-stabilized. Finally, both were overthrown about seven months after taking office by military conspiracies, with the support of the upper classes. It is noteworthy that the Balaguer administration did not condemn the coup against Aristide. On the contrary, for days after the coup, the Dominican press was saturated with opinion articles condemning Aristide and blaming his unstable character for the coup that toppled his administration (Cuello 1991). Other articles remarked that Haiti was a highly unstable country, practically ungovernable, and it was thus condemned to be ruled by strongmen. Furthermore, though the Balaguer administration had publicly offered to help in the resolution of the Haitian impasse and had officially supported the OAS embargo against the Haitian military government, it took actions to prevent, or at least delay, the resolution of the Haitian crisis.

In 1993, the Balaguer administration authorized the sale of foodstuffs and fuel to Haiti for "humanitarian reasons" (P rez 1993, 1, 16). Later, when the embargo was tightened, and in a clear violation of OAS-imposed sanctions, all sorts of goods--but mainly gasoline--were carried over the border and into Haiti, in full view of the Dominican military, who profited enormously from this contraband (French 1994b). In conclusion, the international embargo was as strong as its weakest link--the Dominican Republic.

The full impact of the Haitian crisis coincided with the May, 1994, elections in the Dominican Republic. On one hand, the return of Aristide now seemed imminent. And on the other, a black man of Haitian ancestry, Jos Francisco Pe$a G"mez, was the front-runner in the electoral contest. Balaguer once again played the nationalist card. He was portrayed as the defender of the Dominican nation against an international conspiracy to unite the two nations (French 1994a). Television commercials warned about the dangers of voting for Pe$a G"mez. Not surprisingly, a survey conducted during the electoral campaign showed that 30% of Dominicans considered that the color and race of a candidate were important ("Fusi"n" 1994, 34). While this Haitian-bashing campaign was taking place, relations with the de facto regime in Haiti were normal. Finally, through fraud and adroit manipulation, Balaguer won the 1994 elections, after a post-electoral crisis that lasted almost three months. In the meantime, the US Embassy applied "extra pressure" on Balaguer to guarantee clean electoral results and to fully comply with the embargo. Balaguer finally agreed to allow an international force of observers help the Dominican military enforce the embargo. Immediately thereafter, the Clinton administration recognized Balaguer's victory, and even the new US ambassador in Santo Domingo attended the inaugural ceremony.


Haitian politics have been influenced by two major external actors: the United States and the Dominican Republic. While the United States is a superpower that has invaded Haiti twice in this century, the influence of the Dominican Republic should not be underestimated. The Dominican Republic shares the island of Hispaniola with Haiti (that by itself is an oddity), plus it has had a longer relationship with Haiti, dating back to colonial times. The recent experience of Aristide illustrates the Dominican Republic's influence on Haitian politics. First, Balaguer's deportation decree worsened an already bad economic situation in Haiti, plus it was a source of embarrassment for the Aristide administration. Second, Balaguer's visible anti-Aristide posture was an enabling factor in his overthrow. Though Aristide's overthrow clearly had more to do with internal political problems, Balaguer's views strengthened the position of the Haitian military. Third, Balaguer's foot-dragging in complying with the international embargo clearly helped the Haitian military leaders, who were able to buy preciously-needed extra time and thus delay Aristide's return. Finally, when the US military leave Haiti, Balaguer's actions will be fundamental to the stability of the new Haitian administration.
The causes behind those actions are to be found in Balaguer's constant recourse to his own conception of the raison d'Etat, partially based on his anti-Haitian views. According to this dominant ideology, Haiti is unfit for democratic government; only strongmen can rule that country. Even worse, attempts at democratization can create political instability in Haiti that may affect the Dominican Republic, in the form of thousands of refugees running away from political violence. Also, an authoritarian government is more predictable and promotes a more stable climate for business. Finally, authoritarian governments in Haiti have proven to be good partners in the highly-lucrative contraband trade across the border and in the traffic of Haitian workers for the Dominican sugar industry. As a consequence, while Dominican governments have been waving the flag in order to rally nationalist anti-Haitian support, they have also maintained a close relationship with Haiti's dominant groups. As in the old maxim of "divide and conquer," the Dominican and Haitian peoples have been taught to see each other as enemies, while their leaders have been profiting from these concocted divisions.


CONSIDERANDO que a consecuencia de las disposiciones contenidas en los Decretos Nos. 417-90 y 188-91 de fechas 15 de octubre de 1990 y 14 de mayo de 1991, respectivamente, se han venido produciendo mejor!as considerables en las condiciones de trabajo de los obreros de la ca$a, tanto nacionales como extranjeros;
CONSIDERANDO que el Gobierno Nacional ha promovido la adopci"n de una serie de medidas tendientes a humanizar las labores en los bateyes, especialmente en los que son propiedad del Consejo Estatal del Az#car (CEA);
En ejercicio de las atribuciones que me confiere el art!culo 55 de la Constituci"n de la Rep#blica, decreto:
Art!culo 1: Se dispone la repatriaci"n de todos los menores que hayan alcanzado la edad de dieciseis (16) a$os, de nacionalidad extranjera, que ven!an trabajando como braceros en la siembra, cultivo, corte y acarreo de la ca$a.
Art!culo 2: La repatriaci"n se realizar a expensas del estado, dispens ndose a los repatriados las mayores consideraciones.
Art!culo 3: Se dispone asimismo, la repatriaci"n de todos los trabajadores extranjeros, mayores de sesenta (60) a$os de edad, de los bateyes, tanto los pertenecientes al Estado como los que son propiedad de empresas privadas. A estos trabajadores se les entregar n todas las prestaciones laborales que les correspondan, de conformidad con la legislaci"n dominicana; prestaciones que estar n a cargo de las respectivas empresas privadas o del Estado en las que laboren dichos trabajadores.
Art!culo 4: La Secretar!a de Estado de Trabajo queda encargada de velar por el estricto cumplimiento del presente Decreto, para lo cual recibir el m s amplio concurso de las Secretar!as de Estado, de las Fuerzas Armadas y de Relaciones Exteriores, de la Jefatura de la Polic!a Nacional y de la Direcci"n General de Migraci"n.
Joaquin Balaguer, 13 de junio de 1991


  • Baud, Michiel. 1993a. "Una frontera para cruzar: La sociedad rural a travs de la frontera dom!nico-haitiana (1870-1930)." Estudios Sociales 26(94): 5-28.
  • Baud, Michiel. 1993b. "Una Frontera-Refugio: Dominicanos y Haitianos contra el Estado (1870-1930)." Estudios Sociales 26(92): 39-64.
  • Carvajal, Carmen. 1993. "Vicecanciller Herrera Cabral descarta integraci"n RD-Hait!." List!n Diario, 25 January, 16.
  • Cass , Roberto. 1975. "El Racismo en la Ideolog!a de la Clase Dominante Dominicana." Ciencia 3(1): 59-85.
  • Cornielle, Carlos. 1980. Proceso Hist"rico Dom!nico-Haitiano: Una Advertencia a la Juventud Dominicana. Santo Domingo: Publicaciones Amrica.
  • Crassweller, Robert D. 1966. Trujillo: The Life and Times of a Caribbean Dictator. New York: MacMillan.
  • Cuello, Jos Israel. 1991. "-Ay, Titid!, -Nunca, Jam s!" El Siglo, 9 October, 7.
  • Diederich, Bernard, and Al Burt. 1986. Papa Doc y los Tontons Macoutes: La Verdad sobre Hait!. Santo Domingo: Fundaci"n Cultural Dominicana.
  • Ferguson, James. 1992. The Dominican Republic: Beyond the Lighthouse. London: Latin America Bureau.
  • French, Howard W. 1994a. "A Dominican's 2 Burdens: Haiti and Balaguer." The New York Times, 14 April 1994.
  • French, Howard W. 1994b. "Embargo Creates 'Oil Boom' Near Haitian Border." The New York Times, 13 March.
  • "Fusi"n, tema de campa$a". 1994. Rumbo 1(16): 34.
  • Moya Pons, Frank. 1977. Historia Colonial de Santo Domingo. 3rd ed. Santiago: Universidad Cat"lica Madre y Maestra.
  • Pe$a Batlle, Manuel A. 1946. Historia de la Cuesti"n Fronteriza Dominico-Haitiana. Ciudad Trujillo (Santo Domingo): Casa Editora Luis S nchez And#jar.
  • Prez, M ximo M. 1993. "El Gobierno autoriza la venta alimentos, combustibles Hait!." List!n Diario, 12 April, 1, 16.
  • Price-Mars, Jean. 1953. La Rep#blica de Hait! y la Rep#blica Dominicana. 3 vols. Port-au-Prince: Colecci"n del Tercer Cincuentenario de la Independencia de Hait!.
  • Sagas, Ernesto. 1993. "A Case of Mistaken Identity: Antihaitianismo in the Dominican Republic." Latinamericanist 29(1): 1-5.
  • Sarita, Esteban. 1993. "Majluta considera Aristide provocar discordia con RD." List!n Diario, 22 February, 4.
  • Vega, Bernardo. 1988. Trujillo y Hait!, Volumen I (1930-1937). Santo Domingo: Fundaci"n Cultural Dominicana.

289 Haitians Arrested And Repatriated To Haiti

Haiti - Social : 289 Haitians arrested and repatriated to Haiti
(Haiti Libre) - 28/02/2015 10:37:32

Haiti - Social : 289 Haitians arrested and repatriated to Haiti
Friday, CESFRONT patrols, the specialized bodies responsible for border security, proceeded in several operations to the arrest of 289 undocumented Haitian nationals, men, women and children, with bags and other belongings, trying to enter illegally in Dominican territory through Dajabón. Interceptions of our compatriots, were held in the sectors of Puerta de Hierro, La Bomba, Los Arroyos, la Fe, Aviación, Corral Grande, Palo Blanco and Candelón.

When asked, some migrants explained paying between three and four thousand pesos to Haitian smugglers to take themon foot or by motorcycle in the province of Valverde and other localities of Northwest and Cibao.

The authorities of CESFRONT handed over the Haitians, to the immigration authorities at the border post of Dajabón, which have repatriated them to Haiti.

Let us recall that for the month of January alone, more than 20,000 of our countrymen have been intercepted and repatriated to the country . Considering that the figures released now, only concern the post of Dajabón and that the CESFRONT conducts patrols all along the north-south border (not include arrests made by the Dominican army), it is feared that the number of illegal attempts of Haitian nationals to enter the Dominican territory during the month of February is still very high.

Friday, February 27, 2015

The Caribbean Harvest Will Double Its Production Of Tilapia

Haiti - Agriculture : The Caribbean Harvest will double its production of tilapia
(Haiti Libre) - 27/02/2015 10:47:54

Haiti - Agriculture : The Caribbean Harvest will double its production of tilapia
The Local Enterprise and Value Chain Enhancement (LEVE) modernization Project co-financed to the tune of $ 250,000 the Caribbean Harvest to enable them to double their production of tilapia, from 1.2 to 2.4 tonnes.

300 cages for fry will be provided to 150 farmers who live on Lake Azueï to allow them to breed fingerlings to market size. This co-financing will also be used to increase the capacity of solar equipment to 60 kilowatts to the Farm Harvest Caribbean "The LEVE co-financing will enable more farmers to produce tilapia, providing them and also to their families, improved livelihoods," stressed Dr. Valentin Abe, CEO of Caribbean Harvest.

Although Haiti has over 1,000 km of coastline, the annual fish consumption per person is only 4.4 kg compared to 19.2 kg per person in the world. 70% of fish consumed in Haiti are imported and therefore relatively expensive on the local market. By increasing the production of tilapia in Haiti, which is cheap, Caribbean Harvest contribute on the one hand to improve the health of Haitians, who have a poor protein diet and also this increase in fish production locally, reduce the foreign expenditures devoted to import.

Caribbean Harvest and LEVE believe that aquaculture is a promising new industry for Haiti because it creates jobs and a source of inexpensive and nutritional food. It also has considerable potential for exports of tilapia in the Caribbean. LEVE will assist Caribbean Harvest to promote the development of more productive and inclusive sectors, likely to contribute to growth based on a broad economic base.

About LEVE :
The objective of the LEVE project is to assist its Haitian partners to create economic growth through capacity building and job creation. LEVE facilitates more productive and inclusive value chains that increase economic growth. LEVE works with Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) to improve and strengthen their capacity and competitiveness. LEVE also works with technical and vocational schools to help them improve their study and placement program. Project LEVE extends from 2013 to 2016 and is funded by the US Agency for International Development (USAID).

29.9 M$ To Eliminate Malaria By 2020

Haiti - Health : $29,9M to eliminate malaria by 2020
(Haiti Libre) - 27/02/2015 11:09:45

Haiti - Health : $29,9M to eliminate malaria by 2020
The Pan American Health Organization/World Health Organization (PAHO/WHO), has joined a collaborative effort led by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), that seeks to eliminate indigenous cases of malaria on the island of Hispaniola by 2020.

The Haiti Malaria Elimination Consortium (HaMEC), announced by the CDC Foundation Wednesday, will accelerate malaria elimination efforts beginning with a $29.9 million grant from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Hispaniola, which includes the countries of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, is the only remaining island in the Caribbean where malaria is endemic. In Haiti, where the majority of Hispaniola's malaria cases occur, there were more than 20,000 confirmed cases in 2013.

"We laud this expression of solidarity with efforts to eliminate malaria from the only two countries in the Caribbean where transmission still exists," said Keith Carter, PAHO/WHO senior advisor on malaria and other communicable diseases. "We are heartened that the project can also catalyze elimination of lymphatic filariasis, another vector-borne disease, from the island."

Vinicito Castillo Called The Dominicans To Leave Haiti

Haiti - Politic : Vinicito Castillo called the Dominicans to leave Haiti
(Haiti Libre) - 27/02/2015 09:35:23

Haiti - Politic : Vinicito Castillo called the Dominicans to leave Haiti
Following the incident Wednesday in Haiti to the Dominican Consulate in Pétion-ville , Dominican Deputy Vinicio Castillo Semán, of the National Progressive Force (FNP) [ultranationalist right], known for his positions on the Haitian situation, declared Thursday to support the protest of the Dominican Government.

The Deputy Vinicio deplored that some elements of a violent protest march violated diplomatic space and burned and trampled the Dominican flag "without that opposes the forces of the Haitian police and face the inexplicable absence of the Minustah [...]" He argues that "The march against the Dominican Republic and the violation of diplomatic space was encouraged and tolerated by the Haitian government. It was a scheduled event, the Haitian government could take action to protect our consular office, which was not done with the full intention that the events of yesterday happen [...]

We support the strong protest of the Government and the Dominican Chancellery and ask the Dominican residents in Haiti to leave the country because it is more than likely that violence occurs against them, which could endanger their lives and integrity physical [...]"

Taking his favorite theme of the plot, Vinicio Castillo Semán asserts that "The government and the elite of the Haitian Civil Society have launched an international campaign against the Dominican Republic, accusing it of xenophobia and racism, with the intention to isolate it internationally. The aim of Haiti is very clear, they want to prevent the Dominican Republic to take action against the peaceful invasion and the exercise of its sovereign right to deport illegal under an international blackmail and if the Dominican Government do it, they will accuse it of committing acts of xenophobia and racism [...]".

Thursday, February 26, 2015

Aggressive New Strain Of HIV Discovered In Cuba

Aggressive new strain of HIV discovered in Cuba

A colored scan of HIV infecting a human T-Cell (wikicommons/ National Institutes of Health).

BRUSSELS, Belgium, Thursday February 19, 2015 – An aggressive new strain of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) has been found in Cuba that can progress to AIDS so rapidly that patients may not even know they are infected before symptoms appear, scientists say.
According to a report in Medical News Today, the Cuban variant of HIV is categorized as a recombinant version of the virus, which can occur if a person engages in unprotected sex with multiple infected partners and contracts multiple strains of the HIV virus, which later recombine within a person to create a new variant.

In a normal HIV infection, the virus attaches to proteins on the membranes of cells known as CCR5 before it is able to penetrate the cell. Consequently, the HIV-infected patient may experience a number of healthy years before the virus becomes CXCR4, which quickly progresses to AIDS.
Researchers found that in the new Cuban strain, HIV makes the transition to CXCR4 more quickly than in the other strains, resulting in a reduction in the number of “healthy” years. The new strain can cause AIDS to appear within just three years of infection, the report said.

Scientists compared recently infected patients with the recombinant form of HIV to patients who had progressed to AIDS after the usual period of infection, and found the recombinant HIV patients had abnormally high doses of the virus as well as high numbers of defensive molecules called RANTES.
The presence of RANTES was reportedly significant because as part of the typical human response to the virus it binds to CCR5, indicating that the recombinant HIV would have to bypass CCR5 because the protein wasn’t available for the virus to anchor to it as it normally would.

According to the Medical News Today report, when the recombinant virus bypasses the CCR5 and becomes CXCR4, it eliminates the “healthy” stage.

“So this group of patients that progressed very fast, they were all recently infected,” Anne-Mieke Vandamme, study author and medical professor at Belguim’s University of Leuven, told Voice of America.

“And we know that because they had been HIV-negative tested one or a maximum two years before.”
The scientists noted that also aiding in the transition to CXCR4 was the presence of a protease, which is an enzyme that cuts proteins in new viruses to enable it to replicate in greater numbers.

The findings of the study were published in the journal EBioMedicine.

Researchers are calling for early and frequent testing of people who have unprotected sex with multiple partners, in order for treatment to begin promptly.

Haiti Protests Dominican Republic Racism Against Immigrants After Henry Claude Jean Lynching

Haiti Protests Dominican Republic Racism Against Immigrants After Henry Claude Jean Lynching

  @TBarrabi on

Haiti Protests
Protesters held signs while marching on a street in Port-au-Prince Feb. 25, 2015. Thousands took to the streets to protest against racism and ill-treatment they say their fellow nationals suffer while living in the Dominican Republic, two weeks after a Haitian man was found hanged in a tree in the Dominican Republic, according to local media.
Thousands of demonstrators marched Wednesday in the Haitian capital of Port-au-Prince to protest ongoing mistreatment of Haitians living in the nearby Dominican Republic, reports said. The protest unfolded just days after a Haitian immigrant was found lynched in a public square located in the Dominican Republic city of Santiago.

Local lawyers and civil rights groups joined forces to organize the march, which remained largely peaceful, according to the Associated Press. No arrests were made as citizens from all walks of life waved Haitian flags and marched on the Dominican Embassy.

“Despite our diversity, despite our differences, we are a country, we exist and we deserve respect. We are neighbors, sharing the same island. The question of racism and barbarism need to be finished with on this island,” said Monsignor Pierre-Andre Dumas, one of the march’s organizers, according to the Miami Herald.

While no acts of physical violence were reported, one protestor reportedly climbed onto the embassy building and seized a Dominican flag, which was then burned by a crowd of demonstrators.

Protestors also pursued a woman whom they thought to be Dominican. The march’s leaders admonished the individuals who took part in the flag-burning. “We strongly condemn this. A country’s flag is its symbol and needs to be respected. We cannot answer one act of barbarism with another,” Dumas said.

Tensions between Haiti and the Dominican Republic have risen in recent months amid a backlash within the Dominican Republic against Haitian immigrants living in the country, according to Al Jazeera America. Earlier this month, a group of Dominican protestors spoke out against Haitian transplants and burned a Haitian flag in Santiago.

A Haitian man named Henry Claude Jean, who worked as a shoe-shiner, was found lynched in Santiago on Feb. 11. Authorities in the Dominican Republic said Jean was killed during an attempted robbery of a winning lottery ticket he had in his possession, but critics said the murder was racially-motivated.

The Dominican Supreme Court ruled in 2013 that individuals born to immigrants who live illegally in the Dominican Republic were not guaranteed citizenship. The ruling retroactively applied to individuals of Haitian descent born in the country since 1929. Ultimately, officials submitted to an international outcry and allowed these individuals to apply for citizenship, provided they obtained a birth certificate by Feb. 1. Approximately 500,000 Haitian immigrants live in the Dominican Republic, according to the United Nations.

The Haitian Flag Waving On The Dominican Consulate!

Haiti - Social : The Haitian flag waving on the Dominican Consulate !
(Haiti Libre) - 26/02/2015 08:21:27

Haiti - Social : The Haitian flag waving on the Dominican Consulate !
Wednesday, responding to the appeal of the Collective of December 4, thousands of Haitians took to the streets of Port-au-Prince, to protest against the anti-Haitian racism in the Dominican Republic and calling for respect for human rights and peace between the two peoples, following the assassination of the Haitian young "Tulile" and the offense to Haitian flag burned in Santiago .

Led by the flag, the demonstration departed from the Place Dessalines at Champ de Mars, rhythm by patriotic slogans, of pride and calls to respect for Haitians in neighboring Republic and Peace between the two Nations, who mixed to other, much less peaceful, where demonstrators, very determined, throwing hateful slogans, made threats of lynching and expressed all their hatred and xenophobia against Dominicans.

Also participating in the march which was intended peaceful, numerous politicians, representatives of civil society, lawyers in robes, artists of the musical world, as well as young students in uniform accompanied by their teachers, who prefer concrete the classrooms...

Passing by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Delmas 60), the organizers presented to the Chancellor Duly Brutus, a statement of the Civil Society signed by many citizens, denouncing violations of rights of Haitians in the Dominican Republic.

The march ended at the Embassy of the Dominican Republic, guarded by Dominican soldiers inside the enclosure and the Haitian police outside, who formed a security cordon.

Politicians, among other Dieuseul Simon Desras, Charles Henry Baker, Maryse Narcisse, Myrlande Manigat, le Sénateur, Steven Benoit, the former senator Moïse Jean-Charles parliamentarians and former parliamentarians, lawyers, parliamentarians and former parliamentarians, lawyers, as well as Jean André Victor (MOPOD) were remarked in the crowd, near the Dominican Embassy.

Despite the presence in front of the Consulate of some agents of the Departmental Unit for Maintaining Order (UDMO) and 2 or 3 PNH officers, a protester managed to climb the gates and access to the roof of the Consulate, to clinch the Dominican flag before to throw it to a electrified crowd, screaming remarks and threats raised fist...

Two other demonstrators also reached on the roof and despite the presence of an agent of the UDMO and a police officer at the roof, they were able to deployto the view of all our flag, under the jubilant cries of a cheering crowd. It should be noted that the Haitian forces on the roof, are not really opposed and let the demonstrators, as the forces of order protecting the Haitian Consulate, who simply calls for calm, probably not daring to look for a confrontation with a crowd ready for anything, and out of control, given the weakness of police officers on place...

After the deployment of the Haitian flag on the Consulate, a symbolic gesture that more than one has considered a victory, the Dominican flag was burned and trampled in joy and hate...

Furthermore, before this unfortunate and serious diplomatic event, José Ricardo Taveras, the Director of the Dominican immigration urged Haitian authorities to "prudence, moderation and restraint" in response to what he defined as a campaign of racism against the Dominican Republic. He asked the Haitian authorities not to participate in the hostile campaign, initiated by the Collective of December 4. The official described as "reprehensible lightness and manipulations against the country," the irresponsible form and the intervention in the Haitian question, by national and international groups.

First And Strong Reactions From The Dominican Republic

Haiti - FLASH : First and strong reactions from the Dominican Republic
(Haiti Libre) - 26/02/2015 08:51:32

Haiti - FLASH : First and strong reactions from the Dominican Republic
Following the serious incident that occurred Wednesday at the Dominican Consulate in Pétion ville, Andrés Navarro Dominican Foreign Minister, declared that "the acts that took place against Haitian nationals in recent days [in the Dominican Republic] are isolated incidents and in no way they represent the official policy of the Dominican government." He describes as "unacceptable that Haiti accuses the country of racism and xenophobia," adding "what happened Wednesday when a group of Haitian protesters stoned the Dominican Consulate and violated the Dominican flag, are facts that have never produced in the Dominican Republic against Haitian diplomatic facilities [...] In a clearly intolerable attitude, the Haitian government has allowed the systematic violence and attacks against the Dominican consulates in the territory of Haiti. While the Dominican Government seeks to harmonize relations, the Haitian side behavior is double sided [...] The Dominican Republic will not yield to blackmail," before revealing that his government had received a letter of protest sent by Haiti, which includes "unacceptable conditions that must be answered in the same language, but with the real facts. Thursday, I'll recall our ambassador in Haiti, so that gives us a detailed picture of what happened Wednesday [...] and know what action to give..."

For its part in Haiti, Duly Brutus, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in an official statement on behalf of the Haitian Government, congratulated the initiators of the citizen march that, he said, "should not be interpreted as a demonstration against the Dominican Republic, but as a reinforcement of initiatives already undertaken by the Haitian Chancellery to say "NO TO BARBARISM! NO TO HATRED! RESPECT AND PEACE ON THE ISLAND !"

However, the Chancellor Brutus specifies that "the Government of the Republic condemns the violation and unfortunate assault of the premises of the Consulate General of the Dominican Republic in Petion-ville by a small group of malicious individuals who eluded the vigilance the organizers of this peaceful march"

Concluding "The Government of the Republic take this opportunity to invite the population to remain calm and avoid any action which could contribute to further deteriorate relations between the Republic of Haiti and the Dominican Republic."

Revocation Of The Ambassador Of Haiti In The Dominican Republic

Haiti - FLASH : Revocation of the Ambassador of Haiti in the Dominican Republic
(Haiti Libre) - 26/02/2015 09:09:46

Haiti - FLASH : Revocation of the Ambassador of Haiti in the Dominican Republic
On Wednesday, the Haitian authorities revoked Fritz Cinéas, Ambassador of Haiti in the Dominican Republic, since 2005 and appointed in replacement the former Minister of Haitians Living Abroad, Daniel Supplice, who will take office as soon as the administrative formalities will be resolved.

The reasons for the departure of Fritz Cinéas are probably related to its poor management of the murder of Claude Jean Harry (aka "Tulilez) assassinated in Santiago where he said, after being recalled to Haiti for consultation, that the steps were underway to repatriate the body of the victim, while "Tulile" was buried the day before. Another reason could be caused by its poor management of the program of identification of our compatriots living in an irregular situation in the Dominican Republic, which require for several months his resignation accusing him of inaction in this case.

The Recovery Of The Market For Poultry Products On The Right Track

Haiti - Agriculture : The recovery of the market for poultry products on the right track
(Haiti Libre) - 26/02/2015 10:39:30

Haiti - Agriculture : The recovery of the market for poultry products on the right track
The Ministry of Agriculture, Natural Resources and Rural Development (MARNDR) reveals that from 2011 to 2014, domestic production of eggs has increased from 1 million per month to 6.3 million per month, stressing that at this rate, domestic needs will be covered 75% by 3 to 5 years.

The Ministry indicates that the current poultry production is too low to meet local demand and the market has long been invaded by imported products (30 to 40 million eggs per month, representing 50 million US dollars per year, and 65 million US dollars in frozen chicken pieces per year). By cons, he recalled that sanitary restrictions on the import of eggs Dominican and changes in pricing policy by the Government since 2011, create a "momentum" favorable for the revival of the Haitian poultry and the gradual recovery of the local market by local entrepreneurs. Finally, the Ministry points out that the traditional livestock of Creole hens, represents an annual turnover estimated at over 50 million US dollars per year. With a more effective program of vaccination against Newcastle disease (Lafyèv poul) and other technical improvements, revenue could double.

Objectives of the intervention for the period 2012-2017, recovery of a part of the national market for poultry products :

Ministry intervention logic :
Since 2011, the Ministry had to create the conditions for the development of the egg industry, to increase the number of layers that was 50,000 to one million in 2017, this should allow to satisfy 75% of the current demand for eggs ;
  • For broilers, it was to create the conditions for the domestic production pass from 100.000 to 500.000 chickens produced per month, representing 50% of the demand ;
  • For traditional poultry farming, the goal was to get Creole poultry production from 7 to 9 millions per year.

Action taken and results achieved :

  • The measures taken to improve the business environment in Haiti and the application of sanitary requirements for Dominican poultry products, encouraged major investments in the sector (about 10 million US dollars, hatcheries, feed mills, poultry slaughterhouses etc...)
  • From 2011 to 2014, the increase in egg production was spectacular. It has grown from 1 million eggs per month to 6.3 million. The production of broilers increased from 100,000 chickens per month to about 250,000.
  • With support from the Agricultural Insurance Financing Scheme of Haiti (SyFAAH) MARNDR conducted a microeconomic study to establish the conditions for profitability of different types of operation. This study allows the financial sector to better understand the poultry industry as a whole and to be more open to fund this sector ;
  • MARNDR, thanks to funding from the Bank of the Republic of Haiti (BRH), has launched an agro-economic study further on the poultry sector, to determine the impact and potential of this sector on development of the Haitian economy ;
  • The Ministry works in partnership with entities such as poultry SyFAAH to allow entrepreneurs to benefit from technical support, in addition to funding ;
  • Steps have been taken with the "Caribbean Development Bank" to find a $ 6 million US dollars for the poultry sector ;
  • To improve the competitiveness of domestic poultry, the Ministry supports a research program on the development of concentrated feed based on local ingredients such as : substitution of soybean meal jatropha meal (100%) locally produced and moringa powder-Doliv (25%) in the diet of laying) ;
  • The Minsitry supports the training of farmers ;
  • To reduce the huge losses recognized in traditional poultry farming caused by outbreaks of Newcastle disease, the Ministry has stepped up its support for the organization of vaccination campaigns. Nearly 500,000 vaccine doses have been made available to breeders and the network of solar refrigerators for storing vaccines, has been strengthened. In December 2014, 90% of the 140 municipalities in the country had a vaccine storage center

Means used :

  • The Ministry has supported private investors for the preparation of agreements allowing them to benefit from the incentive program and investment facilitation ;
  • The Minsitry used the expertise of SyFAAH technicians to perform the microeconomic study ;
  • A senior Canadian consultant was hired to conduct the macroeconomic study ;
  • A consultant assigned to the Office of the Secretary of State for Animal Production assured under the supervision of the Secretary of State, the coordination of these various files.
  • A partnership was set up with other institutions (FAMV, Chibas Foundation) for research programs on food preparation. The poultry farm of Damien is used for training and research programs.

Perspective :

  • In 2015, egg production is expected to increase from 15 to 20% increase from 6.3 to 7.5 million per month ;
  • To sustain the pace of increase in intensive poultry production, especially eggs, should be mobilized for this sector a financing of 18 million US dollars. This fund will cover the public investment and the creation of guarantee funds for credit. To support this process, the contract for the agro-depth economic study of the sector that has been signed will be implemented in 2015.
  • At the same time it will be necessary to continue taking steps to help poultry farmers to find financing through institutions such as the Industrial Development Fund (IDF) or the "Caribbean Development Bank."
  • The strengthening of health controls adopted measures is also essential to protect investments ;
  • The pursuit of Food Research is also a priority ;
  • The MARNDR will also have strengthen its support activities for the training of farmers and strengthening the logistics for the organization of vaccination campaigns in poultry farming environment

Wednesday, February 25, 2015

Most peacekeepers in Haiti to return home

(Buenos Aires Herald)- The majority of Argentine United Nations peacekeepers based in Haiti will return to the country in April, signalling the virtual end to the Argentine commitment to the peace-keeping mission in the Caribbean island after 10 years, the government announced yesterday.
Argentina has been sending peacekeeping forces to Haiti since August 2004, when the UN established a peace mission in a resolution that had been ordered by the Security Council.
Argentine forces are returning after the UN mandated a downsizing of the peacekeeping mission in the island. The decision will not only affect Argentina, but also all the other countries that have contributed personnel.
Defence Minister Agustín Rossi, who was visiting the men and women working on the island, yesterday praised the forces, which are composed of Army, Navy and Air Force personnel. The Kirchnerite official participated in a United Nations award ceremony, where medals were given to several military groups working in Haiti — including Argentine peacekeepers.
“We are more than satisfied with the role played by Argentine armed forces throughout these 10 years,” Rossi said after visiting a hospital managed by Air Force in Haiti’s capital city, Port-au-Prince.The medical centre will continue operating in the country with a team of 70 officers, the majority being doctors and nurses.

Index Of Consumer Prices (ICP - January 2015)

Haiti - Economy : Index of Consumer Prices (ICP - January 2015)
25/02/2015 12:11:32

Haiti - Economy : Index of Consumer Prices (ICP - January 2015)
During the month of January 2015, a slight deceleration of the price increase was observed, especially in monthly basis. The Index of Consumer Prices has undergone a monthly increase of 0.4% (0.6% in December) and a 6.6% yoy (6.5% in December).

The indices that have contributed most to the monthly increase are "Food, Beverage & Tobacco" (+ 0.4%), "Clothing, Textiles and Footwear" (+ 1.2%), "Rent Housing, Energy and Water" (+0.5 %), "Planning, Equipment and Maintenance Housing" (+ 0.6%) "and" Other goods and services "(+ 0.9%).

Note that the increase in the index "Food, Beverage & Tobacco" which represents over 50% of the household budget is the result of the increase in products such as chicken (+ 2.2%), fresh fish (+ 0.7% ), cod (+ 1.0%), powdered milk (+ 1.4%), eggs (+ 0.9%), bananas (+ 2.6%), the pumpkin (+ 2.4%), the marker (+ 2.9% ), leek (+ 2.8%), eggplant (+ 1.5%), cabbage (+ 3.2%), onion (+ 2.8%), garlic (+ 1.5%), carrot (+1.1 %), tomatoes (+ 1.9%), yam (+ 1.8%) malanga (+ 2.2%), cassava (+ 1.4%), pasta (+ 2.5%), potatoes (+1.4 %), orange (+ 1.7%) and papaya (+ 0.8%).

The increase at the level of the index 'Clothing, Textiles and Footwear" is mainly due to the increase in products such as the tissues (+ 2.0%), costume (+ 1.6%), shirts (+ 1.7% ), the shirt (+ 0.8%), dress (+ 1.8%), and tennis shoes (+ 1.4%) and sandals (+ 1.3%).

The price increase of "rent housing, Energy and Water" owes its growth mainly to the rent of accommodation (+ 1.2%) and charcoal (+ 0.3%).

The upward trend of the index "Planning, Equipment and Housing Maintenance" mainly comes from living room furniture (+ 2.2%), dining room (+ 1.5%), the mattress (+ 2.2%), bed linen (+ 1.0%), curtains (+ 1.4%), refrigerator (+ 1.6%), disinfectant (+ 2.1%) and miscellaneous services (+ 1.2%).

As for the increase in the index "Other goods and services" it resulting from rising of shampoo prices (+ 5.2%), perfume, toilet water (+ 1.5%) and other care products Hair (+ 0.9%).

Situation in figures by function for the whole country (yoy) :
Food, beverages and tobacco : 5.8%
Apparel and textiles, footwear : 12.4%
Rent housing, energy and water : 7.6
Development and maintenance of housing : 5.6%
Health : 9.8%
Transport : 3.7%
Leisure, entertainment, education and cultural : 6.1%
Other goods and services : 11.6%

Situation in Figures local products (yoy) :
Food, beverages and tobacco : 6.4%
Apparel and textiles, footwear : 9.7%
Rent housing, energy and water : 7.2%
Development and maintenance of housing : 5.8%
Health : 9.8%
Transport : 2.1%
Leisure, entertainment, education and cultural : 6.0%
Other goods and services : 3.7%

Situation in Figures imported products (yoy) :
Food, beverages and tobacco : 1.8%
Apparel and textiles, footwear : 11.9%
Rent housing, energy and water : 4.8%
Development and maintenance of housing : 11.1%
Health : 5.0%
Transport : 5.8%
Leisure, entertainment, education and cultural : 12.2%
Other goods and services : 14.3%

General Price Index by Region (Variation on a month) :
Metropolitan Area: +0.4% (Includes Port-au-Prince, Delmas, Petion-Ville, Carrefour and Croix des Bouquets.)
Rest West: +0.5% (includes departments SouthEast and West excluding the Metropolitan Area)
North: +0.5% (including the departments of North, Northeastern and Northwest)
South: +0.3% (including departments of South Grand Anse and Nippes)
Transversal: +0.4% (including departments of Centre and Artibonite)

Violent Clash Students - CIMO On The Champ De Mars

Haiti - Social : Violent clash students-CIMO on the Champ de Mars
25/02/2015 11:36:39

Haiti - Social : Violent clash students-CIMO on the Champ de Mars
While several sectors appear to have stopped their protests to the drop in fuel prices, students seem more determined than ever to continue their protest, to get new price cuts, although the Government repeatedly said will not be able to meet these demands.

Tuesday, the very determined students took back the streets and erected barricades of burning tires at the Champ de Mars, clashing with stone-throwing officers of the Corps of Intervention and Maintenance of Order (CIMO) came restore order. Before the violence of students, CIMO threw tear gas and fired in the air bursts of automatic weapons to disperse the demonstrators, causing panic among residents.

Note that the same day, at the hotel Kinam stood a workshop of the new National Commission for the Modernization of Public Transport (CNMTC) during which the economist Kesnel Pharel recalled that "Each 100 gourdes collected by the state, 25 gourdes comes from taxes on gasoline," and that the drop in gasoline prices demanded by some sectors could cause loss of revenue for the State, of more than 3 billion gourdes, if the Government gave in to these demands.

Recall that the previous day, students who still required once the lower cost of gasoline, burned a government vehicle, near the Faculty of Social Sciences...

89% Of The Inmates Of The National Penitentiary In Prolonged Pretrial Detention

Haiti - Justice : 89% of the inmates of the National Penitentiary in prolonged pretrial detention
(Haiti Libre) - 25/02/2015 09:37:31

Haiti - Justice : 89% of the inmates of the National Penitentiary in prolonged pretrial detention
Tuesday at the initiative of SOS Journalists and the Press House, was held a panel discussion on the problem of prolonged pretrial detention, attended by Pierre-Richard Casimir, the Minister of Justice and Security public, Luc Côté, Coordinator of the program to support the rule of law and Anne Fuller, Deputy Head of the Section of Human Rights of MINUSTAH.

The intervention of the Minister Casimir has largely focused on the problem of prolonged pretrial detention and the actions he is about to undertake, to reduce if not eliminate this phenomenon, which is one of the main concerns of various players in the justice sector.

From the outset, he insisted on the principle that freedom is the rule and imprisonment the exception before listing some of the key factors behind the high rate of prolonged pretrial detention in several jurisdictions of the country. He cited include: the slowness of judicial actors in the handling of cases, poor categorization of offenses in Haiti and the lack of alternatives to imprisonment. Recalling that at the national penitentiary in Port-au-Prince, the large detention center in the country, 4,452 people are imprisoned while only 485 of them have already know their fate, or 89% of detainees in prolonged pretrial detention. Note that this is a slight improvement over June 2013 when the prolonged preventive detention rate was 95.4% [181 inmates judged on 3,952 detainees]

To remedy this situation, the Minister of Justice announced a package of specific measures including: the proliferation of criminal hearings, the adoption of special provisions allowing judges to work weekends, increased courtrooms in the jurisdiction of Port-au-Prince and in particular the intensification of legal aid program for the benefit of the poor

The minister also promised to work with the Federation of Bar Associations and deans of the Courts of First Instance to accelerate the backlogs treatments stressing that 450 justice records are about to be discharged by Justice . All these points, according to the Minister, are part of a huge operation called "punch" to reduce prolonged pretrial detention rate over the entire national territory. Structurally, the Minister Casimir announced including the strengthening and revitalization of the judicial inspection in the various jurisdictions in the country.

While it is true that the situation is revealed worrying within the jurisdiction of Port-au-Prince, the Minister pointed out that in some jurisdictions, such as Hinche, Saint Marc and Fort-Liberté, prolonged pretrial detention rate is particularly low even insignificant. While this is true, according to the latest available figures let's recall that in March 2013, out of a total prison population of 9.904 in all the penitentiaries centers in Haiti, 7.188 (72.57% national average) were on provisional detention in awaiting trial

The representatives of the Minustah, congratulated the Minister Casimir for these measures and pledged the full support of the UN mission in the process of strengthening justice and the construction of the rule of law. In addition, they argued for the adoption of sanctions against some judges and prosecutors officers who, through their indiscipline, have contributed to weaken the justice and increase the rate of prolonged pretrial detention.

Officials In Haiti Celebrate Completion Of Marriott Hotel

Officials in Haiti celebrate completion of Marriott hotel

Associated Press                    
People eat near the pool at the new Marriott hotel after the hotel's opening ceremony in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Tuesday, Feb. 24, 2015. Haiti's second international-branded hotel opened Tuesday in what backers of the project and officials hope will be a spur to further economic development in the impoverished country. (AP Photo/Dieu Nalio Chery)
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    PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti (AP) — A second international-branded hotel opened Tuesday in the Haitian capital in what backers of the project and officials hope will be a spur to further economic development in the impoverished country.

The 175-room Marriott Port-au-Prince is a four-star hotel geared primarily toward travelers looking to do business in Haiti, said Denis O'Brien, chairman of Digicel, the telecommunications company that developed the project adjacent to its Haiti headquarters in the Turgeau neighborhood of the capital.
"If a foreign direct investor is going to Haiti, they have to have a good first impression," O'Brien, whose company is the largest private employer in Haiti, said in an interview before the event. "Normally, American foreign direct investors like to stay in an American-branded hotel."
Digicel invested $45 million and contracted with Marriott to operate it. O'Brien, an Irish billionaire whose company recently completed building 150 schools in Haiti and restored the historic Iron Market that was damaged in the January 2010 earthquake, said the hotel will directly create about 200 jobs, but that he hopes it will lead to more.
A ceremony to mark the opening of the hotel drew President Michel Martelly, Prime Minister Evans Paul and former U.S. President Bill Clinton. Actor Sean Penn, who has been criticized for what some felt was an insensitive joke about Mexican-born Oscar-winner Alejandro Inarritu's immigration status during at the Academy Awards on Sunday, also attended the event but declined to speak with The Associated Press.
In March 2013, the Best Western in the Petionville district of the capital became the first internationally branded hotel since Holiday Inn left in 1998 as the country's tumultuous political situation caused the collapse of the economy. Last year, Hilton Worldwide announced it would open a hotel in the country in 2016.

Maternal Health, The Country Must Do Better

Haiti - Social : Maternal Health, the country must do better...
(Haiti Libre) - 25/02/2015 10:42:59

Haiti - Social : Maternal Health, the country must do better...
Despite Haiti's efforts to reach the goal 5 of the Millennium Development Goals, which aims to reduce by three quarters the maternal mortality and achieve universal access to pro-creative medicine from 2015, the progress achieved are insufficient to achieve the objectives successfully.

The maternal mortality rate has dropped by 43% since 1990, but not enough to reach the goal by 2015. With 350 deaths per 1,000 women, Haiti has a maternal mortality rate well above the average for the continent (190 per 1000 in the Caribbean and 72 per 1,000 in Latin America).

Almost two thirds of births are still without the assistance of qualified personnel in obstetrics. Despite a trend of deliveries assisted clearly on the rise, which increased from 21% in 1995 to 37% in 2012, regional disparities remain considerable. Only 18% of births in the Grande-Anse are assisted by trained medical personnel, against 64% in the metropolitan area.

Although the gap between rural and urban areas has narrowed in the space of 17 years, it is still important. The proportion of women who have been examined at least four times during pregnancy, as recommended by WHO, has increased substantially between 1995 and 2012, from 36% to 67%. However, Haiti remains below the average for Latin America (89%) and the Caribbean (72%), but above the regional average for sub-Saharan Africa (49%) and South Asia (36%) .

Women's access to the pro-creative medicine remains insufficient, in particular, the rate of contraceptive use remains very limited in Haiti. Only 35% of women married or in union, between 15 and 49 years, use some form of contraception, while the world average in developing countries is 62%. However, we note a marked prevalence of modern contraceptive methods: 31% of women using a contraceptive, choose a modern method.

The problem of teenage pregnancy remains a significant factor in maternal and child health, n fact, teenage pregnancies are dangerous for both mother and child, and keep at a level high. The teenage rates between 15 and 19 years who are already mothers or pregnant with their first child, has stagnated at 14% since 2006, one young girl on 7. In addition to its negative impact on maternal and child health, early pregnancy also play a role on the education of girls, limiting student retention.

The unmet need for family planning declined 10 points since 1995, but demand is growing among the younger generations. In 2012, 35% of women aged 15-49 married or in union, had unmet need for family planning, that is to say they want to limit or space births but are not using any method of contraception. This rate is well ahead of global trends, with an average of 13% for developing countries. The highest rates for Oceania regions (25%) and sub-Saharan Africa (25%).

57% of girls aged 15-19 have unmet needs, indicating a mismatch between their desire to birth control and access to contraceptive methods. Among women aged 45-49, 24% of women have unmet needs for family planning. This indicator reflects the many challenges that remain to ensure universal access to pro-creative medicine in Haiti.

Tuesday, February 24, 2015

Launch Of The Spring Agricultural Campaign

Haiti - Agriculture : Launch of the Spring Agricultural Campaign
(Haiti Libre) - 24/02/2015 10:47:48

Haiti - Agriculture : Launch of the Spring Agricultural Campaign
Monday in Kenscoff, President Martelly, accompanied particularly by the Prime Minister Paul and the new Minister of Agriculture, Fresner Dorcin, participated in the launch of the Spring Agricultural Campaign, which will take place in ten departments of country.

Particularly in the presence of Mrs. Carlah Clesca, Mayor of the commune of Kenscoff, of Michel Chancy, Secretary of State for Animal Production, of the Rev. Father Occide Jean aka "Pè Sicot", of local authorities and representatives of associations of Kenscoff growers, this launch has helped placed in context this extensive campaign in which farmers should produce the major part of the production of the year.

The Head of State whose vision provides a place of choice for the development of agriculture, urged the authorities to make every effort for the success of this campaign. He reiterated his commitment to the benefit of farmers and asked stakeholders to redouble their efforts for access to credit to farmers.

The accompaniment of the State in this Agricultural Campaign, which is part of the objectives of Three Year Plan for Agricultural Renewal (PTRA 2013-2016), mostly funded by the Treasury, will be done through actions such as: the introduction of grants of mproved seeds, fertilizers, tractors, tools, cleaning and rehabilitation of irrigation canals, technical advice. This support will also be done through the secure of livestock particularly cattle identification and soon goat and pig populations and vaccination against most deadly diseases affecting livestock.

"One of the priorities of my administration is the improvement of the food security of the people. We want to accompany the planters to help them to overcome most of the difficulties in the agricultural sector. I encourage the private sector to implement purchasing companies, of packaging and marketing of agricultural products. We are working to establish trade and sanitary agreements with other countries, so that Haiti can take advantage of opportunities available," declared the Head of State.

For his part, the Minister Dorcin, promised that through this campaign, many problems will be tackled and solved. For his part, Evans Paul, welcomed this important campaign, which aims as fundamental result, the growth of domestic production and agricultural development in Haiti.

Haiti Down 6 In Press Freedom Ranking

Haiti - Politic : Haiti down 6 in Press Freedom ranking
15/02/2015 08:25:54

Haiti - Politic : Haiti down 6 in Press Freedom ranking
In its world ranking published Thursday, February 12, Reporters Without Borders (RWB) ranked Haiti 53rd out of 180 countries, with an overall score of 25,08 representing a loss of six places compared to 2014 (47th), who was the best ranking since 2002, while the year 2015 is the first decline since 2004 with a loss of 1.55 in the overall score compared to the previous year.

The "abuses score" is of 30,45. The "abuses score" reflects the intensity of the violence and harassment to which journalists and other news and information providers were subjected during the year. No score means that Reporters Without Borders did not register any or any or a significant number of cases.

"The Haitian media tend to be polarized between government supporters and critics, with the latter often experiencing difficulty in getting access to government-held information. The government often demonstrated a disturbing hostility towards its critics, and a desire to gag independent media. On 8 April 2014, the National Telecommunications Council (CONATEL) threatened to sanction certain radio stations that systematically broadcast false information liable to disturb pubic order, destabilize the Republic’s institutions and attack the integrity of many citizens Such an intimidatory climate clearly encourages self-censorship and thereby undermines freedom of information. Journalists were exposed to other forms of intimidation, including by police during protests. Haitian law still provides for prison sentences for defamation. Investigations into murders of journalists are unacceptably slow and subject to repeated obstruction, resulting in a disturbing level of impunity," RWB wrote in its report.

The Dominican Republic is ranked 63rd out of 180, an increase of 5 places compared to 2014. Globally, the highest ranked country is Finland and the lowest score is Eritrea (Africa).

Monday, February 23, 2015

Visit Of Bill Clinton In Haiti

Haiti - Economy : Visit of Bill Clinton in Haiti
(Haiti Libre) - 22/02/2015 10:04:00

Haiti - Economy : Visit of Bill Clinton in Haiti
Monday 23 and Tuesday, February 24 former President Bill Clinton will travel to Haiti to visit Clinton Foundation projects that are supporting the development and growth of Haitian businesses in the agricultural, artisan, and tourism sectors. The Clinton Foundation works in Haiti to create sustainable economic growth and bring together producers, investors, and markets in a way that is socially, environmentally and economically impactful.

Provisional agenda of the visit of Bill Clinton

Monday, February 23th, 12:45 PM President Clinton visits Lime Nursery and Grafting Project (Central Plateau) President Clinton will tour the nursery with members of Firmenich, the Clinton Guistra Enterprise Partnership Team, and the Smallholder Farmers Alliance. Farmers who will be beneficiaries of the project will also be on site.

Monday 2:30 PM visit of Kreyol Essence Castor Oil Site
(Central Plateau)
Bill Clinton will tour the site along with Yve-Car Momperousee, Founder of Kreyol Essence, a Haitian women owned and operated company and Louis Estiverne and Josaphat Fritz Jeanty, Co-Founders of CETPA, a Haitian agricultural cooperative. President Clinton will also view the castor oil production process and meet some of the cooperative members.

Tuesday, February 24th 9:45 AM
isit of a Cholera Treatment Center (Port-au-Prince)
President Clinton will tour the site of the Cholera Treatment Center, which is yet to open, with builders and architects, as well as Dr. Bill Pape, Founder of Gheskio and other doctors and nurses from Gheskio, who will ultimately staff the center.

Tuesday 10:45 AM visit of the J/P Haiti Relief Organization (J/P HRO) Community Center and Urban Garden
Bill Clinton will tour the site along with Sean Penn and Gary Philoctete, the J/P HRO Country Director. J/P HRO supports residents in the marginalized, high-density Delmas 32 neighborhood of Port-au-Prince. The organization works to transition the surrounding areas affected by the earthquake to resilient, sustainable, and prosperous communities.

Tuesday 12:00 PM Marriott Hotel Opening and Ribbon Cutting (Port-au-Prince)
Former US President will take part in the opening of the Marriott/Digicel hotel in Port-au-Prince. The Marriott Port-au-Prince will be Haiti's first internationally branded hotel. The new hotel has incorporated many positive environmental features and has worked with the Clinton Foundation to ensure local procurement of goods and services.